Arabs and Nazis – Can it Be True?
Elliott A Green
the Arab historical record has long been the practice not only
of Arab spokesmen but of the Arabs’ Western and Communist sympathizers.
Among the most persistent efforts to this end have been the denial
and belittling of Arab involvement with the Nazis and the Holocaust.
fact, many Arab nationalist leaders – from Morocco in the west
to Iraq in the east – not only sympathized with the Nazis but
cooperated with German agents before and during World War 2. The
most outstanding Arab Nazi collaborator, however, was the leader
of the Palestinian Arabs, Haj Muhammud Amin el-Husseini, Mufti
spent most of World War 2 in the Axis domain in Europe. He conferred
officially with Mussolini and Hitler. In a petition he submitted
together with other Arab leaders, Husseini urged the Fuehrer in
the name of the Arab nation to recognize the Arab right to solve
"the Jewish Question" in the Arab countries. Later he
helped the Germans recruit an SS division among the Bosnian Muslims,
exerting his influence over their imams, later on inspiring them
during their service.
researcher tells us, "The Mufti worked closely with the Nazi
machinery responsible for exterminating Jews." (1)
apparatus was part of the SS headed by his friend Himmler. Husseini
made energetic efforts to further the mass murder process by preventing
the emigration of Jews from the Axis domain. He petitioned the
governments of Axis Croatia, Hungary, Rumania, and Bulgaria, as
well as their patrons in Germany and Italy, and neutral Turkey,
(2) to prevent Jews from leaving the Axis zone.
the end of the war, when the Axis satellite states of Eastern
Europe could see the looming Nazi defeat, they made plans to release
Jews, especially children, from their territory, in return for
various considerations or perhaps in order to clear themselves
with Allied public opinion. The Mufti, hearing of these plans,
exerted his considerable diplomatic influence among the Germans
and their satellites to stop these children and adults from escaping
their fate under the Nazis. For instance, Husseini wrote to the
Prime Minister of Bulgaria, an Axis partner, urging Bulgaria to
send 4,000 Jewish children to Poland where they would be "under
stringent control" in his words (letter of June 5, 1943).
These children, he asserted, presented "a degree of danger
to Bulgaria whether they be kept in Bulgaria or be permitted to
depart from that country." (3)
"stringent control" in Poland, apparently, these children
would no longer represent a danger to Bulgaria. He also delivered
a note to the same end to the German Foreign Ministry which in
turn instructed its ambassador in the Bulgarian capital to bring
to the Bulgarians’ attention the common German-Arab interest in
preventing the departure of these children. Thus, the Mufti succeeded
in blocking the further release of Jewish children from Bulgaria.
That same summer of 1943, he sent a similar letter to the Rumanian
foreign minister. He again urged sending Jewish children — 1,800
this time — to Poland where they would be under "active
even intervened with the Germans against trading Jews under their
control for fellow Germans (including the so-called Templars)
who had been interned by the British in the Palestine mandate,
perhaps thusly showing himself more resolute in finishing off
the Jews than were the Germans themselves. Complaining to SS chief
Himmler about this planned trade, the Mufti wrote, "It is
to be feared that further Jewish groups may leave Germany and
France." By "further" groups, he had in mind his
earlier, unsuccessful attempt to prevent Egyptian Jews from leaving
the Axis domain as part of a larger group of Egyptians. "In
my letter to you of June 5, 1944, I referred back to our conversation
in which I reported to you on the inclusion of [Egyptian] Jews
in the exchange plan of some Egyptians living in Germany."
He complained in this later letter (July 27, 1944) that despite
his earlier protest and general German promises to the Arabs,
"the Jews, nevertheless did leave." (5) This shows that
he was not always successful in his efforts.
of this kind were widely reported after World War II. Bartley
Crum, an American member of the Anglo-American Commission of Inquiry
on Palestine (1946), was shown documentation to this effect by
an investigator for the Nuremberg Tribunal. It was also reported
at the time in the New York Post by Edgar Ansel Mowrer. Since
then, however, this information has generally been omitted from
both academic studies and popular-level accounts of Arab-Israeli
relations and modern Arab politics. But research has gone on.
Fairly recently, Professor Daniel Carpi of Tel Aviv University
has published his research on the matter, based on Italian archives,
whereas most earlier information had come from German archives.
the whitewashers customarily overlook this information which does
not fit the innocuous, put upon image of the Arabs (particularly
Palestinian Arabs) that they wish to project.
broadcast often to the Arab countries over Radio Berlin. Indeed
he was in charge of Arabic broadcasting not only for Radio Berlin
but for the Italian station at Bari. (7)
one broadcast he urged Arabs, "Kill Jews wherever you find
them for the love of God, history, and religion." (8)
those who had heard such urgings yet acclaimed the Mufti as a
leader after World War 2, would this reflect on their attitudes
towards genocide and Jews? The thought might be inconvenient.
Another broadcast presented what was the first public notice from
an Axis source as to the scope of the Holocaust. In a broadcast
of September 30, 1944, he asked the Arabs rhetorically, "Is
it not in your power to repulse the Jews whose number is not more
than eleven million?" (9)
the war, the world Jewish population had been estimated at around
17 and 18 million, which Husseini surely knew.
Germans subsidized Haj Amin in the amount of 75,000 reichsmarks
per month. He received other sums from them for expenses for his
several residences, for maintaining his "Arabisches Büro,"
for maintaining other Arabs living in Axis Europe, etc. The Germans
also subsidized a number of other prominent Arabs who had found
refuge in Nazi Germany. (10) Husseini’s subsidies came from both
the Foreign Ministry and the SS. (11)
Nazi collaboration did not begin with World War 2 itself. As early
as March 1933, after the Nazis under Hitler had won the general
elections in Germany, Husseini offered his congratulations through
the German consul in Jerusalem. (12)
fanatic Judeophobia was no secret even then, not even in far off
Canaris of German intelligence, the Abwehr, provided support for
the socalled Arab revolt in mandatory Palestine (1936-1939), the
first intifada. Meanwhile, the Mufti sent emissaries to Berlin
in 1937 and 1939 to discuss financial, diplomatic, and weapons
assistance. He also received financial support for the Arab revolt
from the wealthy American anti-semite and Hitler sympathizer,
Charles R. Crane who was also the patron of Husseini’s associate
on the Palestine Arab Executive, George Antonius. (13)
course Husseini did not act alone. He had a large following and
travelled with an entourage. When the British decided in 1937
to stop indulging the Arab revolt, he was allowed to leave mandatory
Palestine for Lebanon where he was surrounded by his own retinue.
He again had an entourage with him when he settled in Baghdad
from 1939 to 1941, one of his close advisors being his kinsman
`Abdul-Qadir al-Husayni (Husseini), Faisal Husseini’s father.
In Iraq he very successfully engaged in pro-Nazi, pan-Arab intrigue.
He was in fact one of the major figures in Iraqi politics at that
time, helping to instigate a coup d’etat which installed a pro-Nazi
government that declared war on the British while Rommel was advancing
in North Africa. British intelligence reports show that Husseini
was one of the decision-makers of the Iraqi government in this
period, while Rashid `Ali el-Kilani was prime minister. (14)
of the pro-Nazi work at the time of Husseini and his allies was
propagating hatred of Jews among the Muslim Iraqis. This came
to its most violent expression in an incident called the Farhud
in June 1941, after British defeat of the Iraqi Arab army. The
Mufti’s pro-Nazi Iraqi associates incited a pogrom in Baghdad
which killed an estimated 600 Jews while British troops stayed
outside the city. Subsequent to the restoration of order in the
country, an official Iraqi investigating commission reported that
the Mufti of Jerusalem and his entourage were among the factors
causing the pogrom. Husseini, after arriving in Iraq, "began
disseminating Nazi propaganda with great cunning… His entourage
also engaged in wide-scale anti-Jewish and anti-British propaganda
activities among all classes." The report added, "The
Palestinian and Syrian schoolteachers" in Iraq opposed "government…
steps against Nazism." (15)
operating in the Nazi-fascist domain during the war, the Mufti
demonstrated complete identification with the Nazi policy of mass
murdering Jews as outlined above. He also knew the scope of the
Holocaust in terms of numbers killed before the fact of the mass
murder was generally known. This knowledge showed up in a broadcast
of 1944 quoted above and no doubt came from his close ties to
occasion he went farther than the Germans themselves. We see this
for instance, in his opposition to the German plan to exchange
Jews for German prisoners of the British. Husseini energetically
protested against letting any Jews escape their fate under the
help for the Holocaust was considerable. Besides helping to recruit
Bosnian Muslims for the SS – who later went out to hunt down partisans
and slaughter Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies – he also recruited Soviet
Muslims to collaborate with the Nazis. (16)
of them served in the Einsatzgruppen, the dread murder detachments
that massacred Jews in Belarus and Ukraine.
fact Husseini set up an Islamic Institute in Dresden for training
Soviet Muslim imams. Meanwhile, he also set up an Arab Institute
for Research into the Jewish Question (based on a German model).
These projects were made possible by the generous German subsidies
that he received. (17)
ties were particularly close with SS commander Himmler. A photograph
of the Mufti with Himmler bears a dedication to him from the Nazi
leader, reading as follows: "Seiner Eminenz dem Grossmufti
zur Erinnerung 4 VII. 1943" ("To his Eminence the Grand
Mufti in remembrance, July 4, 1943"). This photo has been
fairly widely published (18) as has the photo of his meeting with
of his entourage in Germany, young men of various prominent Palestinian
Arab families, Khalidis and others besides Husseinis, took SS
training and visited the Sachsenhausen murder camp. All this was
done with German money. Apparently the Germans considered his
work worthwhile for them, since they gave Husseini’s activities
wide publicity. For instance, his review of Bosnian Muslim SS
troops was featured on the front cover of the Wiener Illustrierte
(January 12, 1944).
as he was helping the Nazis in places as far apart as Bosnia,
Belarus, and the northern Caucasus, Husseini did not forget the
Jews in the Arab countries. While battles raged in Libya, the
Mufti urged that Tripoli be "purged" of its Jews. As
pointed out above, he and his associates had urged Hitler to extend
the "Solution of the Jewish Question" to Arab lands.
In their meeting, November 28, 1941, Hitler promised that this
was part of his own plan. When the German troops crossed the Caucasus,
the Fuehrer added, "then will strike the hour of Arab liberation."
Hitler informed Husseini of his intent to "solve" the
"Jewish problem," not only in Europe but in non-European
countries as well. "The Grand Mufti replied that… He was
fully reassured and satisfied by the words which he had heard
from the Chief of the German State." (19)
course pro-Nazi sentiment among the Arabs did not stem from the
Mufti’s influence alone. While Iraq had the pro-Nazi Futuwwa and
Youth Phalanxes youth groups, Egypt and Morocco had their "Green
Shirts" in imitation of the Italian fascist blackshirts and
the Nazi brownshirts. Nasser and his "Free Officers"
circle were notoriously pro-Nazi.
former Egyptian Army Chief of Staff, `Aziz `Ali el-Masri, was
arrested on his way to Rommel’s headquarters to aid the German
war effort. One of the plotters in this affair was Anwar Sadat,
then a young officer and comrade of Nasser. Sadat wrote of this
at length in his early book of memoirs, Revolt on the Nile (London,
wrote: "We made contact with the German Headquarters in Libya
and we acted in complete harmony with them." (21)
added: "We prepared to fight side by side with the Axis."
show Sadat’s identification at the time with the paranoid Judeophobia
of the Germans, we may point to his explanation of the failure
of a German intelligence mission. Certain Egyptian Jews, he claims,
gave the British information on two German agents sent to Cairo
to make contact with the pro-Nazi Egyptian officers. (23)
the Allied victories at El-Alamein and Stalingrad, he wrote, "both
arms of the German pincer movement on Egypt were broken, and Egyptian
hopes were broken too." (24)
any rate, Sadat’s later essay at autobiography, In Search of Identity
(New York, 1978), softens the picture of his pro-German, anti-Jewish
nationalists found Berlin a haven of hospitality and understanding
in World War II," the International Herald Tribune tells
us in an unusual show of candor on this issue. (25)
hospitality extended not only to Husseinis but to certain of their
Hashemite rivals, at that time the ruling family in both Iraq
and Transjordan. Rashid `Ali el-Kilani, the Iraqi prime minister
who had declared war on Britain in 1941 with the Mufti’s encouragement,
found asylum in Berlin too. Saudi Arabia, hostile to the Hashemites
for its own reasons, was also pro-Nazi. (26)
was one of the first states to recognize the Italian fascist conquest
of Ethiopia. (27)
collaboration took place on the ideological plane as well as the
political and military planes. On a visit to Berlin in 1937, Dr
Sa`id `Abdel-Fattah Iman of the Damascus Arab Club proposed, inter
alia, to promote National Socialist ideology among the Arabs and
Muslims generally. (28)
time went on, Nazi ideological penetration of the Arab world took
place in various ways and through several channels. Mein Kampf
was published in Arabic, the translator later becoming a minister
in the Kilani cabinet in Iraq. The Nazis supplied information
bulletins to the Arab press. Nazi agents encouraged Arab nationalists
to travel to Germany and to study there. (29)
theaters in Beirut, Damascus, and Aleppo received German films
and newsreels. (30)
and Italian radio broadcast Arab nationalist agitation in Arabic
to the Middle East. In an expression of sympathy for Nazi ideology,
Arab politicians showed their presence at Nuremberg rallies. (31)
is admitted even by sympathizers of Arab nationalism that the
Ba’ath Socialist Party, separate factions of which now hold power
in Syria and Iraq [in Iraq until 2003], got its start in imitation
of German National Socialism. (32)
instance of Arab imitation of the Nazis was the Palestinian Arab
Party founded by Husseini family members. Jamal Husseini, its
president, freely admitted this. The party’s youth group, modelled
on the Hitler Youth, was for a while called the "Nazi Scouts."
the other hand, some Arabs did object to Nazi anti-Jewish policy.
Monsignor Arida, the Maronite Patriarch in Lebanon, issued a pastoral
letter in 1933 "strongly condemning the Nazi persecution
of Jews." (34)
Arab-Nazi collaboration had serious implications for the future.
Sami al-Jundi, a Syrian Arab nationalist, a founder of the Ba`ath
Party, wrote in his memoirs, "We were racialists. We were
fascinated by Nazism, reading its books and the sources of its
the 1930s till now, Mein Kampf, other Nazi writings, and earlier
Judeophobic works like the forged Protocols of the Elders of Zion,
have been commonly read in Arab countries. And Arab writers have
made their own contributions to this literary genre. PLO publications
have joined in the chorus of Holocaust denial. (36)
leaders freely expressed pro-Nazi sentiments even years after
the war. For example, Nasser told a German neoNazi editor in 1964:
"Our sympathies in the Second World War were on the German
war criminals were granted refuge in Syria and Egypt. Some of
them, such as former Goebbels assistants, Johann von Leers, Franz
Buensche, and Louis Heiden, helped those governments make anti-Jewish
propaganda, while others helped Nasser to set up a security police.
Arab governments have carried out their own mass murders. Sudan
is the worst example. There Arab Muslims have slaughtered tribal
Black Africans. The New Columbia Encyclopedia (1975) estimated
the tribal Black victims of the civil war at 1.5 million as of
1972; and it still goes on. In Iraq of course, the army has murdered
tens of thousands of Kurds with poison gas and other means. The
civil war in Lebanon saw scores of thousands of civilians massacred
by their Arab brothers, with the Palestino-Progressiste forces
(to use the label favored by the French press) as major culprits.
nationalist spokesmen in the West have naturally tried to downplay
or minimize – and where they could get away with it, to deny –
the record of Arab-Nazi collaboration. For instance, Philip Mattar,
executive director of the PLO-sponsored Institute for Palestine
Studies in Washington, distorts the Mufti’s work to organize Bosnian
Muslims to fight for the Germans. In Mattar’s words, Husseini
"recruited Muslims to fight the Communists in Croatia, Bosnia,
and Serbia." Mattar carefully avoids informing his readers
in the Washington-based Middle East Journal, (39) an anti-Israel
publication since its founding, that the Mufti was recruiting
an SS division, formally called the 13th Waffen-Gebirgsdivision
der SS "Handschar" (kroat. Nr.1). (40)
Handschar as the division was called for short after a Turkish
sword (khanjar), was notorious for atrocities, (41) not only against
the Yugoslav partisans, but against Serbian, Jewish, Gypsy and
other civilians. The Yugoslav war criminal commission charged
that the Handschar had handed Allied airmen over to the Germans,
in addition to other crimes. (42)
a speech to these troops, Husseini declared:
division of Bosnian Moslems, established with the help of Greater
Germany, is an example for Moslems in all countries… Many common
interests exist between the Islamic world and Greater Germany,
and those make cooperation a matter of course… National-Socialist
Germany is fighting against world Jewry. The Koran says: "You
will find that the Jews are the worst enemies of the Moslems."
There are also considerable similarities between Islamic principles
and those of National Socialism… I am happy to see in this Division
a visible and practical expression of both ideologies. (43)
The reader can judge for himself whether, as Mattar implied, the
goal that the Mufti urged on the Handschar was merely the fight
does allow that Husseini helped the German war effort. However,
he omits the Mufti’s work for the genocide of the Jews. As a sign
of our times, a New York publisher has commissioned Mattar to
edit a reference work on the Middle East.
view of the evidence, the efforts in the West and even in Israel
to overlook or deny or whitewash the Arab historical record are
simply outrageous. The Encyclopedia Britannica (EB) offends in
this regard. The EB Micropedia (1985 ed.) tells us of the Mufti
that in 1939, "Ceasing to play an active role in Palestinian
politics, Husayni spent most of World War II (1939-45) in Germany.
At the war’s end he fled to Egypt." In the article entitled
"Palestine," (44) Walid Khalidi asserts: "The Arabs
[in Palestine] had remained quiescent throughout the war, and
some 12,000 enlisted in the British forces." This may be
true as far as it goes but it certainly gives an incomplete, misleading
picture, especially since comparative figures for Jewish enlistment
are not given. On the other hand, Kamal Salibi and William Polk
in the article entitled "Israel" are slightly more forthcoming.
allow that "German propaganda was gaining wide support in
Arab nationalist circles." The editor of a later edition
of EB, Robert McHenry responded to criticism of the EB’s soft
approach to the Mufti by boasting of an "article in the Britannica,
to which the Index will direct any curious reader," which
describes the Mufti as "Amin al-Husayni, Grand Mufti of Jerusalem
and admirer of the Nazis." (46)
EB writes as if the Mufti merely "admired" the Nazis.
Britannica’s approach is typical. The Dictionary of World History
(London, 1973), a weighty tome of about 10 pounds for which A.J.P.
Taylor served as advisory editor, writes of Husseini, "For
a time (1937-46), he lived outside Palestine, during which period
he negotiated with Germany. He resumed his leadership of the Palestinian
Arabs (1946)…" By this account, he was not necessarily
an admirer of the Nazis. He merely "negotiated" with
let us look closer to home. If it is only to be expected that
Arab spokesmen will try to whitewash the Arab record in general
and in respect of the Holocaust in particular, such efforts are
bizarre when made by Israelis. Consider the writings of two members
of Israel’s "peace camp." Amos Elon, the journalist,
recently penned a choleric tract for the habitually anti-Israel
New York Review of Books (47) in which he deplores the propensity
among some Israelis to see the Palestinian Arabs as continuing
the work of the Nazis, or to even consider that they might.
behind each Arab or Palestinian, Israelis tend to see SS men determined
to push them once again into gas chambers and crematoria."
sees this as an obstacle to peace. Of course it would be foolish
to see every Arab in this way and the typical Israeli that Elon
presents seems to be a straw man of his own manufacture. Yet Elon’s
diatribe, which goes on for eight columns of rather small type,
disregards the relevant history, to wit, the collaboration in
the Holocaust of the Mufti of Jerusalem and others whose families
are still prominent in the Palestinian Arab leadership. Nor does
he mention the massacres carried out by Arabs in the past 40 years
in Lebanon, the Sudan, and Iraqi Kurdistan. Surely this information
was relevant to his discussion. However, these omissions are apparently
intentional since Elon goes on to argue that "a little forgetfulness
[toward the Holocaust] might finally be in order." (49)
might accept Elon as sincere if one knew that he had asked the
Arabs too to forget their various grievances.
Elon’s article all the more bizarre (and it happens to be the
featured article of the issue), is that the same issue of New
York Review contains a piece by George Soros describing contemporary
Holocaust-like events in Bosnia. Now after all, if Serbs or other
former Yugoslavs, exposed for years to Communist propaganda in
favor of the brotherhood of nations, could commit numerous atrocities
against other ethnic groups, then why could not the Arabs who
have been subject for years to intense nationalist (indeed chauvinist)
indoctrination (and more recently to Islamic jihad incitement)
do the same?
Israeli, Zvi El-Peleg, a biographer of the Mufti, admits part
of the Mufti’s pro-Nazi activities, denies or casts doubt on other
parts, and distorts the moral meaning of his pro-Nazi and pro-Holocaust
exertions. In the Hebrew edition of his book, El-Peleg takes pains
to cast doubt on one of the incriminating pieces of evidence against
Husseini. He writes that "those who saw him [Husseini] as
a partner to the Nazi crimes" reported "that he asked
of the Germans that upon their arrival in the Middle East they
allow the Arabs ‘to solve the Jewish Question in Palestine and
the other Arab countries in accord with the interests of the Arabs
and in the same ways in which this problem was solved in the Axis
writes as if to insinuate that Jewish writers hostile to the Mufti
chose to believe without substantial proof that he had made such
a request of the Germans. What El-Peleg fails to say is that a
nearly identical request is reported in a book by Husseini’s Arab
admirer, the historian Majid Khadduri (Independent Iraq, 2nd ed.),
(51) a book listed in El-Peleg’s bibliography. Neither Khadduri
nor his publisher, the Royal Institute of International Affairs
(Chatham House), has been suspected in the past of pro-Zionist
or pro-Jewish bias. By the way, an interesting discussion of different
versions of this request appears in Bernard Lewis’ Semites and
considers the difference between versions submitted while Husseini
was in Iraq and those drawn up after he arrived in Axis Europe.
tendentious interpretation by El-Peleg is his denial of Husseini’s
Arab nationalist, pan-Islamic political outlook, by making him
into a "Palestinian" nationalist, a more suitable, politically
correct creature for the 1990s. Ironically, the quotes from the
Mufti that El-Peleg presents in his book show Husseini’s pan-Arabist,
the respected American journalist Edgar Ansel Mowrer said of Husseini,
"As a murderer, this man ranks with the great killers of
history," (53) El-Peleg chooses to glorify this war criminal.
El-Peleg is a historical revisionist, but even more is he a moral
what explains the compulsion of Elon, El-Peleg, and others to
portray the Arabs as historical innocents or to explain away Arab
guilt remains an open question. But it appears symptomatic of
the political prejudices and Orwellian political morality of our
Irit Abramski-Bligh, "Husseini, Haj Amin al-" in Encyclopedia
of the Holocaust [Hebrew & English editions].
Daniel Carpi, "The Mufti of Jerusalem, Amin el-Husseini,
and His Diplomatic Activity during World War II (October 1941-July
1943)" Studies in Zionism, No. 7, Spring 1983.
Elias Cooper, "Forgotten Palestinian: The Nazi Mufti,"
American Zionist, March-April 1978.
Bartley Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, New York, 1947.
Zvi El-Peleg. HaMufti HaGadol. Tel Aviv, 1989.
Lukasz Hirszowicz, The Third Reich and the Arab East London, 1966.
Majid Khadduri. Independent Iraq. London (2nd ed. 1960). Bernard
Lewis. Semites and Anti-Semites. New York, 1986.
Joseph Schechtman, The Mufti and the Fuehrer New York, 1965.
Anne and Robert Sinai, Israel and the Arabs, New York, 1978.
George Stein, The Waffen SS. Ithaca 1966.
Norman Stillman, The Jews of Arab Lands in Modern Times, Philadelphia,
Other authors consulted include Abdel-Razak Abdel-Kader, Elie
BIBLIOGRAPHY AFTER PUBLICATION OF ARTICLE IN MIDSTREAM
Lebel. "Hitler v’haMufti." Meqor Rishon [article published
about Spring 1998].
Lebel, Haj Amin uBerlin Tel Aviv 1996 [book on Mufti based inter
alia on little used Serbian-Croatian sources].
Kolinsky, "After the Arab Rebellion," Part I, Israel
Affairs vol. 2, no. 2 (Winter 1995), Part II, vol. 5, no. 1 (Autumn
Green, "Ha`Arabim ve’haNazim," Nativ no. 4 1995, p 12.
Elath. Haj Amin al-Husayni. Tel Aviv 1968.
Yisraeli. Ba`ayat Eretz Israel baM’diyniyut haGermanit 1889-1945,
Ramat Gan 1974.
Kedourie and S. Haim,eds., Palestine and Israel London 1982.
various articles here, rather detailed and difficult reading.
Medoff, "The Mufti’s Nazi Years Reexamined," Journal
of Israeli History 17, 3.
Wohlgelernter, "In a State of Denial," Jerusalem Post
June 8, 2001.
Penkower. The Jews Were Expendable. Urbana & Chicago: U of
Illinois Press, 1983.
Pius XII, see Journal of Modern Italian Studies 6,1 (spring 2000)-review
by A Long.
Neville, Appeasing Hitler: the Diplomacy of Sir Neville Henderson
— see review in European History, 31,2 (4/2001).
d’Histoire de la Shoah
Rogers, "Auschwitz and the British," History Today,
49 (10) Oct 1999.
Lukasz Hirszowicz, The Third Reich and the Arab East, London,
The Mufti’s appeals to all the countries mentioned, but for Turkey,
were known from documents, and in large part published, not long
after World War II. It appears that Husseini himself was the first
to make known his appeal to the Turkish government not to permit
the passage of escaping Jews through Turkish territory. This revelation
came in his own memoirs issued in Arabic in 1970 in Falastin (Beirut,
July 1970), pp. 4ff. These memoirs included other documents relating
to his efforts to prevent Jewish escape which had been previously
published. See Bernard Lewis, Semites and Anti-Semites, New York,
1986; p. 268 n19. The major post-World War II collection of relevant
documents was The Arab Higher Committee: Its Origin, Personnel,
and Purposes. The Documentary Record. New York: The Nation Associates,
1947. This collection will be henceforth referred to as Arab Higher
Bartley Crum, Behind the Silken Curtain, New York, 1947; 111-12.
Crum, 110-112; Hirszowicz, 262-63, 312-13; Daniel Carpi, "The
Mufti of Jerusalem, Amin el-Husseini, and His Diplomatic Activity
during World War II (October 1941-July 1943)," Studies in
Zionism, No. 7, Spring 1983; pp. 130-31. Joseph Schechtman, The
Mufti and the Fuehrer (New York, 1965); pp. 154-58. The sardonic
use of euphemisms such as "active supervision" for the
mass murder of Jews was not limited to the Mufti. Consider Count
Ciano’s record of a conference with Croatian officials in Venice
on 16 December 1941, several weeks after Husseini’s meeting with
Hitler. The Croatian fascist leader Pavelitch explained to Ciano,
the Italian foreign minister, that, in Ciano’s words: "The
most urgent problems [of the new Croatian state] were being faced,
and in the front rank that of the Jews. The latter, who were 35,000
when the Ustashis took power, do not exceed 12,000 at present
(Young Kvaternik [an aide to Pavelitch and nephew of the Croatian
minister of war] explains this reduction by the word ’emigration,’
accompanied by a smile that leaves no room for doubt)." Galeazzo
Ciano, Les Archives secrètes du Comte Ciano (Paris: Plon,
1948), p. 487. The Mufti later collaborated with Pavelitch and
other Croatians when helping recruit and motivate the Bosnian
Muslim SS division.
Letter in Schechtman, p. 310. See a similar letter to Ribbentrop
in Ibid., 155-56; A number of important letters in this vein are
in Arab Higher Committee.
Carpi, op. cit., 130-31; and D. Carpi, "The Diplomatic Negotiations
over the Transfer of Jewish Children from Croatia to Turkey and
Palestine in 1943," Yad Vashem Studies, vol. XII (1977),
Elias Cooper, "Forgotten Palestinian: The Nazi Mufti,"
American Zionist, March-April 1978; p. 19.
Hirszowicz, pp 311, 364 fn 18.
Irit Abramski-Bligh, "Husseini, Haj Amin al-" in Encyclopedia
of the Holocaust [Hebrew & English editions].
F.W. Brecher, "Charles R. Crane’s Crusade for the Arabs,
1919-39," Middle Eastern Studies, XXIV, January 1988; pp
46-47. Also see Elliott A Green, "The Curious Careers of
Two Advocates of Arab Nationalism," Crossroads [published
in Jerusalem], no. 33 .
Cooper, pp 14-16.
Norman Stillman, The Jews of Arab Lands in Modern Times (Philadelphia,
inter alia, in Cooper, p. 22.
Walter Z. Laqueur (ed.), The Israel-Arab Reader, New York: Bantam,
1969; pp. 80-84; also see Hirszowicz 204, 218-19; Schechtman,
Anwar Sadat, Revolt on the Nile, London, 1957.
Ibid., p. 34.
Ibid., p. 42.
Ibid., pp. 46-49.
Ibid., p. 50.
International Herald Tribune, July 13, 1987.
Hirszowicz, pp. 48-52.
Hirszowicz, p 52 and footnote
Ibid., pp. 35-36.
Ibid., p. 27.
Ibid., p. 131.
Ibid., p. 19.
Eric Rouleau, "The Syrian Enigma: What Is the Ba’ath?"
New Left Review, No. 45, September-October 1967.
Jillian Becker, The PLO, London, 1984, p. 19.
Stillman, op. cit., p. 108.
Stillman, op. cit., p. 106.
For instance, El-Istiqlal, a PLO paper published on Cyprus, ran
a two-part feature article denying the Holocaust, December 13
and 20, 1989. The Simon Wiesenthal Center of Los Angeles privately
circulated photocopies and a partial translation of this material.
I.F. Stone’s Weekly, June 1, 1964, quoted from Deutsche National
Zeitung und Soldaten Zeitung, May 1, 1964. I.F. Stone was known
as a leftist critic of Israel.
See, inter alia, Glenn Infield, Skorzeny: Hitler’s Commando, New
York, 1981; pp 205-219; and Robert St John, The Boss, New York,
1960; pp 152-53; Simon Wiesenthal provided a list of names of
Nazi veterans who had obtained refuge in Arab countries, see Le
Monde, June 9, 1967.
Philip Mattar, "The Mufti of Jerusalem and the Politics of
Palestine," Middle East Journal (vol. 42, Spring 1988); p.
George Stein, The Waffen SS. Ithaca, 1966; pp. 179-185.
For instance, see Parameters, Autumn 1993; p. 80. Parameters is
the quarterly of the US Army War College.
Anne and Robert Sinai, Israel and the Arabs, New York, 1978. p.
Schechtman, pp. 139-40.
EB Macropedia, vol. 25, 1985 edition.
EB Macropedia vol. 22, p. 142.
Robert McHenry, letter to the editor of Commentary, Nov. 1993.
Amos Elon, "The Politics of Memory," New York Review
of Books, October 7, 1993; pp 3-5
Zvi El-Peleg, HaMufti HaGadol, Tel Aviv, 1989; 72. See the review
of this book by Eliyahu Green, in Nativ [Tel Aviv, Hebrew], March
1990; pp 81-84.
Majid Khadduri, Independent Iraq, London (2nd ed.) 1960; p. 185.
Bernard Lewis, Semites and Anti-Semites, New York, 1986; pp. 157-58.
John Roy Carlson, Cairo to Damascus (New York, 1951), 413-14.
A. Green is a writer, researcher, and translator living in Jerusalem.